Yes, I think that’s quite plausible. Even if the sailors themselves turn out to be a disappointing economic bonanza, the publicity has value that lasts much longer than the port call.
Pattaya has always had a somewhat peculiar international image: famous, certainly, but heavily associated with nightlife and sex tourism. A large, highly publicized naval visit gives it a rather different kind of exposure—modern Thailand, beaches, restaurants, hotels, shopping, entertainment, and a place capable of handling thousands of foreign visitors at once.
And the sailors don't actually have to spend enormous amounts for the publicity to work. If millions of people elsewhere see photographs and stories about Pattaya, Thailand, some fraction will think, “Hmm, that looks interesting; maybe we should go there.” That's the tourist value.
There is also a nice irony here: the Thai authorities may be getting considerably more advertising out of the visit than they get revenue from the sailors themselves. The sailors are almost the promotional campaign.
Yes—and I think the interesting part is that everyone knows what is being left unsaid.
Thailand has a long-standing tendency to present Pattaya officially as a beach resort, entertainment destination, shopping center, etc., while treating its enormous sex industry as something that is simultaneously obvious, commercially important, and officially rather embarrassing. The contradiction isn't really accidental; it lets different audiences hear different versions of the story.
And in this particular case, I suspect the official messaging is especially careful. You don't want headlines around a foreign naval visit becoming “Thousands of sailors descend on Thailand's sex capital.” That would rather undercut the respectable tourism-promotion narrative.
The funny thing is that the attempt to sanitize it may actually make the publicity more effective. Anybody who knows Pattaya knows perfectly well what else is there, while people who don't know may become curious about this rather notorious place being visited by a large foreign fleet. So the publicity reaches both the respectable tourist market and the market nobody wants to mention.
Yes, that is a much better characterization. There is a striking distinction in Thailand between what the law says and what society and the authorities actually regard as worth enforcing.
Commercial sex is formally illegal, but the social attitude is considerably more tolerant than the statute suggests. In practice, police and other authorities have generally been much more concerned when the activity involves trafficking, coercion, minors, organized criminal activity, public disorder, or health problems. An adult sex worker and an adult customer behaving discreetly are a rather different matter.
That also helps explain the peculiar official language around places such as Pattaya. The government doesn't have to approve of prostitution in order to tolerate its existence. It can maintain the formal prohibition while allowing a large, visible industry to operate within fairly well-understood boundaries.
And I suspect that is part of what you mean by Thai hypocrisy: not simply that officials lie about it, but that there is a culturally comfortable arrangement in which everybody understands the reality while the official vocabulary pretends otherwise.
Yes, with an important qualification: “tolerant” describes social practice much better than it describes the law, and there is enormous variation from country to country.
Thailand and Cambodia are good examples of a gap between formal prohibition and practical tolerance. In Cambodia, Phnom Penh is relatively restrained compared with Pattaya, while Siem Reap has had the rather conspicuous tourist economy around it for years. Officials can enforce the law when they choose, but apparently don't regard eliminating consensual adult prostitution as a major priority.
Vietnam is an interesting contrast. The state has historically taken a much more interventionist position and periodically conducts quite visible crackdowns. Yet, as you say, corruption and local accommodation can make the practical result considerably less severe than the official policy suggests. A prohibition that can be selectively enforced is a rather different thing from one that is enforced consistently.
I'd be a little more cautious about putting all of Southeast Asia into one category, though. Indonesia, Malaysia and Brunei have the additional complication of Islamic law and norms, and even there the actual practice varies enormously by locality and by the degree of religious conservatism. The Philippines, Laos and Myanmar also have their own quite different mixtures of law, custom, and enforcement.
What I find particularly interesting is that Southeast Asian tolerance doesn't necessarily imply social approval. A society can regard something as morally questionable while simultaneously considering it an ordinary fact of life that isn't worth the disruption of trying to eradicate. That's probably closer to what you're observing in Thailand and Cambodia.
Yes, with an important qualification: “tolerant” describes social practice much better than it describes the law, and there is enormous variation from country to country.
Thailand and Cambodia are good examples of a gap between formal prohibition and practical tolerance. In Cambodia, Phnom Penh is relatively restrained compared with Pattaya, while Siem Reap has had the rather conspicuous tourist economy around it for years. Officials can enforce the law when they choose, but apparently don't regard eliminating consensual adult prostitution as a major priority.
Vietnam is an interesting contrast. The state has historically taken a much more interventionist position and periodically conducts quite visible crackdowns. Yet, as you say, corruption and local accommodation can make the practical result considerably less severe than the official policy suggests. A prohibition that can be selectively enforced is a rather different thing from one that is enforced consistently.
I'd be a little more cautious about putting all of Southeast Asia into one category, though. Indonesia, Malaysia and Brunei have the additional complication of Islamic law and norms, and even there the actual practice varies enormously by locality and by the degree of religious conservatism. The Philippines, Laos and Myanmar also have their own quite different mixtures of law, custom, and enforcement.
What I find particularly interesting is that Southeast Asian tolerance doesn't necessarily imply social approval. A society can regard something as morally questionable while simultaneously considering it an ordinary fact of life that isn't worth the disruption of trying to eradicate. That's probably closer to what you're observing in Thailand and Cambodia.
Yes—you did, and I unnecessarily reintroduced the qualification you had already made.
Your point is that outside predominantly Muslim societies, the resistance in Southeast Asia is generally a matter of family norms, personal taste, propriety, and concerns about exploitation or disorder—not a religious prohibition. That distinction matters.
And it helps explain why the legal situation can be so different from the social one. A society can regard commercial sex as distasteful or undesirable without regarding it as something that must be stamped out. Hence the familiar Southeast Asian pattern: formally prohibited, socially tolerated to varying degrees, and subject to enforcement particularly when it produces other problems.
Your Vietnam example fits that pattern particularly well: a government can be much more morally and administratively opposed to prostitution than the population is, yet corruption and local accommodation make the prohibition porous.
Oh, absolutely. 😄 There is a wonderfully rich tradition of Communist governments being simultaneously revolutionary about economics and spectacularly conservative about sex.
Vietnam is a particularly good example. The state may tolerate all sorts of unofficial economic activity that contradicts socialist ideals, while maintaining a distinctly stern public morality about prostitution, pornography, and sexual behavior. The result can be an odd combination: officially puritanical, practically pragmatic, and—where money is involved—occasionally negotiable.
It isn't uniquely Communist, of course, but Communist regimes have often been remarkably enthusiastic about regulating people's private behavior. The revolution apparently stops at the bedroom door only after checking the paperwork.
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